Unity Scots

Note found on RootsWeb

I find your forebear connection to the Saugus Iron Works interesting,
along with the fact that your forebears who were at Saugus later

The committee suggested using the men as labour in the coal mines or
transporting them to America, France or Ireland. In preparation for this the prisoners
were moved to London. On November 11th Haselrig was told to deliver 150
prisoners to Augustine Walker, the master of the ship 'Unity' who would take them
to New England. Walker sold his cargo for £20 to £30 per man. 60 men went to
the Saugus iron works at Lynn (the first iron manufactory in N. America) and 15
men were sent to Berwick, Maine (a few others, exact number not given, went to
nearby York Maine). This accounts for about half of Walker's cargo, we have
to assume that the rest died as the last mention of the prisoners by the
committee was that some of the sick men should be sent to the Blackwall pest house
where the proprietor should be responsible for their keep and their recovery.

this is a quote from MacThomas clan
On the 18th of September, A.D. 1650 one hundred and fifty Scots, who were
deemed well and sound, and free from wounds, were ordered to be sent to John Beex
(Beech) and Joshua Foote to be shipped to New England.
Captain Augustine Walker of the “Unity ”
Beech and Foote consigned most of the Scottish prisoners to two businesses in
Maine and Massachusetts in which Beech had an interest.
Sixty-two of the Scots are known to have been sent to the Saugus Ironworks at
Lynn, Massachusetts.
The rest were sold as indentured servants to local residents
source as cited by the Clan :
Stephen P. Carlson, Scots at Hammersmith, [article on-line] (n. d. accessed
10 July, 2002); available from members.tripod.com/graytim/Saugus.htm; Internet.

Note found on Google Books

THE Scotch furnished a large number of people who early colonized New
England. It was on the 10th of September, 1650, that the Council of State
in England considered as to the disposal of the Scotch prisoners who had
been taken at the battle of Duubar, just one week previous ; and within the
following week a scheme had been propounded for the transportation of
some of them beyond the seas, while others, on the proposition of Cromwell,
the Lord General, were to be sent to Ireland. These last numbered
some two thousand, but it was not thought best to send to Ireland the Highlanders, "
by reason of their affinity to the Irish." Down and Antrim were
counties filled with Scots who had made a first lodgement there in the time
of Henry VIII., while in Ulster were also many Scots, as all British landholders,
by the articles of the Ulster plantation, were bound to bring households
out of England and Scotland to people their lands. From these Scotch
settlements in Ireland the New World, during the eighteenth century, received
a large Scotch-Irish emigration.
23 Oct., 1650, the Council of State requested the admiralty committee to
examine whether or not the Scotch prisoners were being sent to places where
they would be dangerous to the English Commonwealth. The proportion
for New England was to be shipped forthwith, " as their ship is ready and
the place is without danger."
11 Nov., 1650, Sir Arthur Hesilrigge, who was in the North, was ordered
to deliver 150 Scotch prisoners to Augustine Walker, master of the "Unity,"
to be transported to New England.
On 6 Feb., 1649-50, she was ready to sail from Boston, as on that date
a bill of health was attested for the " Unity," Augustine Walker, master.
Her captain was of Charlestown, where he was admitted to the church in
1640, and where, by his wife Hannah, he had the following children :
Hannah, born 1640; Samuel, born 1642; Augustine, born 1646; James
born 1647. He died before 8 Aug., 1654, when an inventory of his estate
was taken, and adminstration granted to George Bunker and Edward Burt,
whose sale of certain lands was confirmed by the General Court in 1656.
At this time complaints were heard in regard to the treatment of Scotch
prisoners on board vessels lying in the Thames, and the justices about Black-
wall were ordered to receive some sick Scotch prisoners into their pest
houses, to be cured at the expense of some persons who had fetched them
from the North for transportation to the foreign plantations.
24 March, 1651, the Council wrote Hesilrigge, regarding the Scotch prisoners
remaining at Durham under his care, that 300 be delivered to Col.
Eokeby, and 200 to Lieut. Col. Killigrew, who had been given license to
transport them beyond the seas, and they undertaking that no use be made
of the prisoners to the prejudice of the Commonwealth. Assistance was to
be given in shipping them away.
The lot under Rokeby were destined for France. The prisoners were
confined in Durham Castle and shipped from Newcastle. In London they
were confined in the Tiltyard at Greenwich, and the East India House and
yard at Blackwall. Among the troops detailed to guard the prisoners in
London, was a troop of horse under Major Stephen Winthrop, the fourth
son of Gov. John Winthrop of Massachusetts.
In 1651, the Scotch taken at Worcester and other places were added,
and a commission was formed, 16 Sept., 1651, to have power to dispose to
the plantations all the prisoners under the grade of a field officer. 22 Sept.,
1551, those prisoners at Liverpool, Chester and Stafford were ordered sent
to Bristol to be sent abroad.
At York Castle many prisoners were confined. 2 Dec., 1651, an infectious
disease broke out among those in London, who had been ordered to
the plantation and inquiry was made as to why they had been left behind,
and it was ordered there be paid for their subsistence 4d. a day for privates,
and 5s. per week for officers.
Of a shipment from London, 11 Nov., 1651, in the "John and Sarah,"
John Green, master, bound for Boston in New England, of a lot of nearly
300 Scotchmen consigned to Thomas Kemble of Charlestown, we have not
only the record but nearly a complete list of the names of those who were
thus forced to assist in the colonization of a new country. The consignee
was a merchant of Charlestown, where he first appears as receiving his human
freight, and from the proceeds of which he doubtless purchased his
house and warehouse in Charlestown, and his interest in saw mills at Dover
and on the Piscataqua. The consignors were Eobert Kich of London, John
Beex and William Green. In this ship was a quantity of provisions, ironwork
and household stuff, free of duty by ordinance of Parliament, shipped
by Robert Rich, who had, a year previously, shipped on the " Speedwell "
a cargo mostly of linens and cloths valued at over £2000.
On the 6 Jan., 1657, a score or more Scotsmen gathered together in Boston "
to make a box " in which each was to place sixpence quarterly, and
twelve pence was to be paid by new members on joining, the same to be for
the relief of themselves when necessary, or of any of the Scotch nation they
saw cause to help. One of good report, fearing God and hating covetous-
ness, was chosen as boxmaster. This was the founding of the Scots Charitable
Society, which still exists in Boston.
On its rolls we find entered, year by year, the names of its members, and
in many cases from whence in Scotland they came. Many of the names
became prominent in the affairs of the town and province : Duncan Campbell,
book binder ; Francis Borland and John Borland ; George Jaffray of
Piscataqua ; George Bethune ; John Hamilton, postmaster-general ; William
Douglas, M.D. ; Thomas Inches ; Robert Auchmutie ; John Smibert;
John Scollay ; Thomas Handyside Peck ; WilHam Hyslop ; George Traill,
and scores of others, who became more or less prosperous in their adopted
country. A large number enrolled were but transients among the population
of the largest and most prosperous port of the Northern Atlantic coast,
which always had a floating population of mariners and soldiers. Thus, under
date of 1739, appears " Peter McKenzie, Cromarty, son to ye Earl of Crom-
arty." We fail to find him, however, among the progeny of any of the Earls
of Cromarty of that period given in Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, and are
forced to consider him either an imposter or an example of a Scotch bar
sinister. Under date of 1752 we find the name of " David Ochterlony,
Montrose." Though there were members of the Ochterloney family living
at Montrose at this time, his residence there was only for a short period,
and it probably was the port from which he sailed to New England. He
was the second son of Alexander Ochterloney, Laird of Pitforthy, and Elizabeth,
daughter of David Tyrie of Dunnydeer.
The records showing the antiquity of prominent Scotch families, in their
completeness and the amount of data furnished, compare favorably with
those of England. The modes of procedure of the courts, and the forme
of the Presbyterian Church, in Scotland, are different from those of the
Courts and of the Established Church in England, the Public Records also
vary. The Parish registers contain not only the vital records, but, in many
instances, the minutes of church meetings, with entries similar to those
found in our church records in New England, which seem therefore to have
been modelled more after the Scotch Presbyterian form. The Probate
matters are to be found in twenty-two Commissariat Courts covering the
territory of Scotland, the earliest about 1550. These are supplemented by
the Records of Retours and Service of Heirs, which go back to 1545, and
are similar to the Inquisitions Post Mortem of England. The Saisine
records are those of land rights, and date from 1600.
For earlier matter, there are the Great Seal records, Privy Seal, Chancery,
Exchequer, Court of Sessions, and Burgh records, Sheriff Courts,
Regality Courts, Barony, and Bailie Courts, Diligence records, Register
of Arms, &c. ; while the earliest must be extracted from the records of
the abbeys, and from family archives. From these sources the following
facts relating to the Ochterloney family have been gathered.
In Kingoldrum, at the present time, the locality is still known as the farm
of Meikle Kenny ; while Kyrkton, also mentioned in the charter of confirmation
to John de Othyrlony, of 3 Sept., 1351, is still identified in the
farm of Kirkton, in the same parish.
The English prefixes " Auchter " and " Ochter " are corruptions from the Gaalic " Uachar," meaning upper or top. Ochterloney belongs to For- farshire, meaning " the elegant top or summit." Between 1226 and 1239, Walter, son of Turpin, exchanged the lands of Othirlony, which had belonged in heritage to his ancestors, for those of Kenny in the parish of Kingoldrum, Forfar, possessed by the Abbey of Aberbrothock. They had been bestowed on the Abbey by a charter of William the Lyon, and confirmed by Alexander III., and again by King Robert Bruce. The family were of some prominence at an early day. Walter Ochterloney
is recorded as having sworn fealty to Edward I., in 1296, following the
example of Baliol who swore fealty to Edward, at Norham Castle, in 1292.
In 1342, Johanne Ochterloney was Sheriff of Forfar.
In 1351, there appears in the Register of the Abbey of Aberbrothock a
confirmation to John Ochterloney, by the Abbot, of the lands at Kenny.
In 1391, William Ochterloney made a gift of the relief of Melgund.
The Register of the Abbey recites in 1409 that William and Alexander
were the sons of William Ochterloney.
In the Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, under date 4 Nov., 1444,
in a confirmation charter of lands in Kelly, we find William de Ouchter-
loney of Kelly, while under date 18 Dec., 1467, we find the King confirms
the charter of William de Ouchterloney of the same, who conceded to
William de Ouchterloney, son and heir of Alexander de Ouchterloney, the
It was just previous to the confirmation of 1444 that probably Kelly
came into the Ochterloney family by marriage with a Stewart, hence the
quartering of the Stewart arms, ae shown in the ancient arms of Ochterloney.
John Ochterloney of Guynd, circa, 1682, furnished to Sir Robert
Sibbald, Geographer for the King, an account of Forfarshire, in which he
included some remarks about the Ochterlouey family and their intermarriages.
The Stewart marriage is the first he alludes to, but if it is the one
given above, he errs in calling the family that of Stewart of Rosyth, Fife,
as it was Stewart of Kellie. lands of BalnahardiSj with those of " Eattoune Raw" in the Barony of Ochterloney.
Another statement, that his grandfather saw a letter from Sir "William
Wallace directed to his trusty friend the Laird of Ouchterloney, requiring
him to repair with his friends and servants to his aid, has been greatly
doubted (Spottiswood Miscellany, p. ЗЛО). In 1445, the annual rent from
Panmure to William Ochterloney of Kelly was £In a confirmation of the lands of Kennymykle, 12 Apr., 1466, by Walter,
Abbot of the monastery at Aberbrothock, to Alexander de Ochterloney,
son and heir of William de Ochterloney, Master of Kelly, which
confirmation also mentions a previous charter from Malcolm the Abbot to
the same, there is also mention of Mariote de Drummond, wife of Alexander
Ochterloney. After this date Kelly is called " Kelly alias Ochterloney," or "Ochterloney alias Kelly."
She was probably the daughter of Sir Malcolm Drummond, ancestor of
the Earls of Perth, by his wife Mariota, daughter of Sir David Murray,
Lord of Tullibardin. Sir Malcolm Drummond died in 1470. A record of
the Drumrnomls, some of whom intermarried with the Royal family of
Scotland, is given, back to about the year 1100, in Douglas's Peerage of
Still later, 6 May, 1493, by the Register of the Abbey, David the Abbot
shows the possession of the lands of Kennemekle by the Master of
Kelly, and states that James de Ochterloney is son and heir of Alexander
de Ochterloney.
13 May, 1517, the King conceded to William Ochterloney of Kelly the
lands of Lochle and Inchgromnell, in Glennesk, Forfar. 8 Sept., ]525,
the King, for good service, conceded to William Ochterloney of that ilk,
and Margaret Gardyne his wife, lands of Petcourent in Kerrimuir, Forfar,
which were those of Archibald, Earl of Angus.
28 Oct., 1525, the Abbot conceded to Alexander Ochterloney, son and
heir apparent to William Ochterloney of Kelly, and to Elizabeth Leyr-
mount the wife of Alexander, the lands of Kennemekyle in Kyncoldrun,
10 June, 1530, the King confirmed to Alexander Oehterloney of the
same ilk, and Elizabeth Leirmonth his wife, the lands of Kelly alias
7 Dec., 1547, Queen Mary conceded to James Ochterloney, son and heir
apparent of Alexander Ochterloney of the same, lands in the barony of
Ochterloney alias Kelly.
In a Retour of Inquest, 30 Oct., 1560, taken at the front gate of the
monastery of Arbroath, the name of William Ochterloney of Setoun appears,
with others.
23 Nov., 1591, the King confirmed, for good service, to William Ochterloney
of the same, the lands and barony of Auchterloney alias Kelly.
V -.•; i

A note on the GRANT family

One hundred forty members of Clan Grant, including Peter Grant, fought for Prince Charles under the command of the Chief’s brother at the Battle of Dunbar. The English pursued many remnants of the Scottish army as far as eight miles before capturing them. The English took 5,000 prisoners and marched them 100 miles from Dunbar to Durham and Newcastle in England. The Cathedral at Durham was converted into a prison for the prisoners. Banks wrote, “Their food consisted of Pottage made with Oatmeal, Beef and Cabbage, a full Quart at every Meal for every Prisoner. They had also Coals daily brought them, as many as made about 100 Fires both Night and Day and Straw to lie upon.” Yet, 1,600 of them died in 58 days from disease and lack of medical attention to their wounds. Of the surviving prisoners, 900 were sent to Virginia and 150 to New England. Peter Grant was among those deported to New England. They sailed on the ‘Unity’ captained by Augustine Walker. The ‘Unity’ sailed in the winter instead of waiting for spring, so the trip was rough and the prisoners had scurvy, but all arrived safely in Boston near the end of December. The prisoners were sold as indentured servants for £20-30 each, and were expected to work off the price of their voyage for 6-8 years, then be given their freedom. The typical cost for passage across the sea was £5, so Capt. Walker made quite a profit. Peter Grant was sold to work at the Lynn Iron Works in Massachusetts and like his fellow prisoners probably received his first medical attention after the battle from his purchasers.

A note on the Furbush family

William was born, some say, at Aberdeenshire, Scotland. He was captured at the battle of Dunbar and shipped to New England in 1650. In the "Early Land Grants" of 16 Jun 1648, being the assignment of lots at "Cochecho Marsh", Lot #18 shows a "William Furbarse, 6 yeckers." The question remains whether this is "our" William. If so, why the period between 1648 - 1659 of not being listed on the tax rolls of Dover, NH.

The following is taken from "The Descendants of William Furbish/Furbush of Kittery, Maine" by Bob Scott, to be published.
The Clan Forbes held forth in Aberdeenshire. The Gaelic for Forbes is Foirbeis which may explain the New England Forbush, Furbush and Furbish spellings. On September 3, 1650, the Scottish supporters of Prince Charles (later King Charles II) lost the Battle of Dunbar to Cromwells English forces, with the resulting loss of four thousand Scots killed or wounded and ten thousand more taken prisoner. Five thousand of the prisoners were marched across the border and three thousand of these were imprisoned in Durham Cathedral. The Cathedral suffered much damage during their imprisonment. The prisoners were shipped to various parts of England, Ireland and the Colonies as indentured survants. William Furbush is listed as a prisoner in a paper read to the Mass. Historical Society by Colonel Charles Edward Banks entitled "Scotch Prisoners Deported to New England bt Cromwell, 1651 - 1652." (Ma.Hist.Soc.Proc. 61 (Oct 1928) p.4, 29).

In November, 150 Scottish prisoners were delivewred to Augustine Walker, Master of the Unity, to be transported to New England. His order to sail was dated November 11th and it presumed that he weighed anchor immediately. With this cargo of 150 souls, the Unity crossed the wintery seas of the Atlantic, probably landing in Boston harbor in late January. How many died during the voyage is not known, but upon arrival 60 were sold to the Lynn Iron Works, and the rest were distributed to various towns. The going price was between 20 and 30 pounds per man as payment for their transportation. The cost of an Atlantic passage was about 5 pounds so the owners of the Unity cleared about 1500 pounds. The average indenture was for 6 to 8 year. William Furbush and 16 other Scots were sent to the lumber mills of Kittery, Maine where they worked out their indentureship.

William and several other Scots homesteaded property on the Piscatqua River as shown by an early map in the book "Old Kittery and Her Families" by Stackpole. William owned land in Kittery in 1664 and he lived near Thompson's Point in what is now Eliot. (William is listed on the tax rolls of Dover, NH in 1659 and in 1662 "spoke out against the severe punishment given to three Quaker women and was himself put in stocks as punishment", "The Quaker Invasion of Mass." Hallowell, p100.) This tract of land was forty rods wide running from the river back one full mile or eighty acres in all. His house was in the middle of his land or about 40 rods from the river where the marks of the old cellar could still be seen in the 1890's. He also had a grant of ten acres in 1668. William made his will the 27th of August in 1694 and his estate was settled by an agreement of his heirs dated 21 March 1701, which they all signed.

Notes from the Innes family site

London, Boston and Indentured Servitude
While the prisoners were dying at alarming rates, the Parliament was discussing what to do about them. Stephen P. Carlson, in the Scots of Hammersmith, reported, “The disposition of such a large number of prisoners presented the English authorities with a dilemma: to maintain them as prisoners would prove costly, and to release them could prove dangerous to the security of the Commonwealth.” A committee appointed by the English governing body, the Council of State informed Hasselrigge that he was to send a number of prisoners to the coal mines. Hasselrigge sold some of the Scots as workers in various trades.
Petitions were sent to the Council to send prisoners overseas to be sold as indentured servants. On 18 September 1650, Hasselrigge was ordered to send 150 Scots, “well and sound, and free from wounds,” (Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series, 1650) to John Becx and Joshua Foote to be shipped to New England. Becx and Foote would be allowed to sell or consign the Scots in America at a cost to them of about ?5 per man. The Scots were to be indentured (involuntarily) for a term of seven years. These men were mainly between the ages of nineteen and twenty-five in 1650, according depositions made during their lifetimes. Although these 150 men all seemed healthy, Hasselrigge shipped them to London by water, fearing “they are all infected”.
According to Carlson, “By October 23, when the Council ordered the project stopped ‘until assurance be given of their not being carried where they may be dangerous,’ the Scots were awaiting passage to America in the Thames.” On November 11, Augustine Walker of the Unity received sailing orders from the Council “as their ship is ready and the place is without danger”.
What followed was probably an unpleasant ocean voyage that would have taken about six weeks. Carlson stated that while the Unity’s size is not known, it “would have been far from spacious” for the prisoners. It is also unknown how many did not make the journey from London to Boston, as no lists survive. The death rate is estimated at ten percent.
Becx and Foote consigned seventy-seven to eighty-seven men to two businesses in Maine and Massachusetts in which Becx had interest. The rest were sold to local residents for ?20-30. Sixty-two of the consigned men, including Alexander Ennis, were sent to the Saugus Ironworks at Lynn, Massachusetts.

The Saugus Ironworks
Saugus Ironworks was the first ironworks in North America, a great technological achievement in that time and place. It was built about 1646, closed by 1675, and was built near some ore deposits, as well as the Saugus River, which provided power to the ironworks. The site included a dam that provided power for forging, a blast furnace with a bellows, a reverbatory furnace, a trip-hammer forge, and rolling and slitting mills. It produced both cast and wrought iron. John Lienhard of the University of Houston stated that one item produced there was nails, which were especially vital because so many new settlements were being built in the wilderness. They milled thin strips of wrought iron, slit these strips, and sold them. The customers then cut the nails and shaped the heads and points. The ironworkers formed a community there known as Hammersmith.

Saugus Iron Works, Saugus, MA

The Scots arrived in Lynn from Boston by boat. The initial payments for food for the Scots is recorded in the record books of John Giffard, the agent for the undertakers of the iron works, in April of 1651. This indicates that they arrived there around that time. There were also payments recorded for medicine and medical help, suggesting that they were in poor health. One death was recorded.

Once there, some were sold elsewhere. Alexander Ennis was evidently among those who remained at Saugus. He was listed on an inventory of the iron works dated November 1653. The inventory was a result of lawsuits resulting from financial diffulties. The Scots were valued at ?10 each, though Giffard protested that they were worth twice that amount and some of the Scots more than that.

The indentured Scots were employed in a variety of tasks, including acting as forge hands, assisting the colliers (who produced the charcoal for the iron works), and even keeping Hammersmith’s cattle. Giffard was directed to use most of the Scots as woodcutters to supply the colliers. Some were taught the trades of “smiths, colliers, carpenters, sawyers, finers, and hammerman” (according to Carlson). Giffard stated that these men “would neare have managed the Compa(ny’s) business themselves, and have saved them many hundreds of pounds in a yeare.” Carlson stated, “The Scots of Hammersmith were for the most part unskilled laborers. Yet, they played a major role in the support of the skilled iron workers.” If not for the debts that affected business, he says, these Scots would have taken over more and more of the skilled positions there.

Most of the Scots lived in the “Scotchmen’s house”, a single building one mile from the iron works. This house is believed to have had two rooms around a central chimney with a cellar oven. There were eleven beds and bolsters there and twice that number of coverlets and blankets, suggesting that the Scots slept two to a bed. Others lived with non-Scottish workers, although there is some indication that the company may have had other quarters built for them beside the house.

The company provided the Scots with food, clothing, and tools. Payments were recorded as having been received by local craftsmen and ironworker’s wives for shoes and clothing. Food was either grown on the company farm or purchased by Giffard for the Scots. The latter consisted of “malt, hops, bread, mackerel, wheat, peas, beef, and pork”, according to Carlson. Apparently, the undertakers thought that Giffard fed the Scots too well. They complained, “As for the dietting of the Scotts men:I have advised with some of the Company and they tell me that 3s. 6d. per weeke is a sufficient allowance for every man:Considering the cheapnes of provision thaire…you haveing ther plenty of fish, both fresh and salte and pidgions and venison and corne and pease at a very cheape Rate.” (A Collection of Papers Relating to the Iron Works at Lynn…, Baker Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA) Apparently, he was spending 6s. a week for each man on food. Some of the tools used by the Scots had been shipped with the Scots. Others were made by a local blacksmith. They were even supplied with “strong Waters” and tobacco at the expense of the Company.

Meanwhile, some claimed the Scots were not receiving their full portion. There were complaints that food and soap meant for the Scots went to other workers and even to the Giffard family.

The Scottish workers were not isolated from Lynn’s community, though it was an “alien environment”. Many married local women both before and after their indentures were finished. In addition, “all Scotchmen, Negroes, and Indians inhabiting with or servants to the English” were to be included in military training, by the order of the colony’s General Court in May 1652. (Dow, George Francis, ed., The Probate Records of Essex County, Massachusetts, Salem, MA, 1920, I, p. 354-5, also A Collection of Papers Relating to the Iron Works at Lynn…(see above))

However, William Saxbe, Jr. noted in his article that, “Relations with the surrounding Puritan communities were not always smooth:a local observer noted that ‘At the Iron Works wee founde all the men wth smutty faces and bare armes working lustily…The headmen be of substance and godlie lives. But some of the workmen be young, and fond of frolicking, and sometimes doe frolicke to such purpose that they get before the magistrates. And it be said, m(u)ch to their discredit that one or two hath done naughtie workes with the maidens living thereabouts.’”[7]

Financial difficulties at the iron works led it to be handed over to creditors. The Scots were transferred over along with all of the iron works’ property. Most served the remainder of their terms at Lynn “in a plant that saw little activity conducted until the latter part of the decade” (Carlson).

A commemeration


Those 1,400 survivors were still a threat to Cromwell's Commonwealth, and the government ordered their exile from the British isles. Five hundred were sold into the French army to fight in Spain, and nine hundred were sold as indentured servants to the New World. Most went to Virginia, but 150 on November 11 were put aboard a ship named the Unity captained by Augustine Walker out of London bound for Boston. Conditions aboard ship for the Scottish prisoners were little better than on slaving ships, and we do not know how many died during the voyage. But we do know that in Boston 25 were sold to a sawmill on the Piscataqua River in Maine, and 62 were sent to the Saugus by The Company of Undertakers of the Iron Works of New England. These are the men whom we are commemorating today.

Soon after they arrived here one of their number, Davidson, died of poor health, probably from the sea voyage. Seventeen were sent back to Boston to work in the company's warehouses. Five to ten were sold off to work off their indenture in local businesses and homes. The remainder lived and worked here at the Saugus Iron Works, serving as forge hands, colliers, blacksmiths, miners, woodcutters, and domestics. Their names include John Toish, James Mackall, John Mackshane, Thomas Tower, John Clark, John Steward, James Gourdan, James Adams, and many others. In time some married and raised families whose descendants are among us here today.

James WARREN & Margaret UNKNOWN

Born: 1621 - Berwick, , Scotland 650
Died: Bef 24 Dec 1702 - Berwick, York Co., MA (ME) 243

Married: Bef 1654 - Kittery, York Co., ME 160

__Noted events in his life were: __

  • Occupation, cavalier, royalist
  • Passenger on Unity 1650, Passenger on Unity 1650

http://www.electricscotland.com/WEBCLANS/minibios/f/forbes_d&w.htmd William Forbes

The Story of Daniel an
Forbes to Forbush or Furbush
by Michael Forbush moc.tsitneics.dam|hsubrof_rd#moc.tsitneics.dam|hsubrof_rd

In 1650 Daniel and William Forbes were in their early twenties working on their father's rocky piece of land near Aberdeenshire. Scotland. In July Oliver Cromwell, a Puritan, who had overthrown King Charles II wanted to quiet the uprisings in Scotland. He advanced across the border with the intention of meeting his supply ships at Leith.

David Leslie quickly recruited thousands of Scots under the Calvinist banner. Among these recruits were Daniel and William Forbes. Leslie successfully pressed Cromwell into Dunbar up against the coast trapping Cromwell without his supply ships.

At this point, the Calvinist ministers dismissed all soldiers not living up to the Calvinist ideals. And, against Leslie's military expertise ordered the solders to attack Cromwell, leaving their prime position on Doune Hill. The result was a horrible defeat. The Scots lost 3 thousand men. Ten thousand were captured and held prisoners.Among these ten thousand were Daniel and William Forbes.

Holding ten thousand prisoners proved to difficult for Cromwell. Five thousand managed to escape over the next few weeks.Five thousand prisoners were sent to Durham but only three thousand arrived.

By November 11, 1650 Sir Arthur Haselrig was told to deliver 150 prisoners Augustine Walker the master of the ship Unity. Among these prisoners were Daniel and William Forbes. Walker sold Daniel and William Forbes to Samson Angier of Kittery, Maine for £30 each. William remained with Samson while Daniel was either sold or given to his brother Edmund Angier of Cambridge, Massachusetts.


An interesting fact in connection with the deportation of these Scots is found in Berwick, formerly a part of Kittery, Maine, where a parish was called 'Unity Parish' doubtless from the prisoners who were sent there to work in the sawmills at that place, having come to New England in the ship of that name. In 1656 record was made of grants of land to some of these men, indicating they had been released from servitude. Among those believed to have been a part of the Dunbar prisoners settling in the Upper part of Kittery, now Berwick, Maine, was George Gray, the progenitor of the Gray Family of Hancock County, Maine.


William GOWEN
1634 - 1686

1650: September 3 - William was a Scot serving under the command of General David Leslie in the Battle of Dunbar, just south of the Firth of Forth on the east coast of Scotland. He was one of the 9,000 Scots captured by Oliver Cromwell.
He was among the 5,000 surviving prisoners pushed on a relentless death march from Dunbar to Durham in England. Mortality on the 100 mile march was very high. The Scots were beaten, starved, and those who were too sick to go on were either left behind to die or were butchered on the spot.
Those who reached Durham were handed over to Sir Arthur Heselrig and were kept in the Cathedral, which had been hastily converted to a prison, An average of 30 prisoners died daily due to the squalid and overcrowded conditions of the prison.
September 19 - Plans were made to disperse of these wretched unfortunate men, 150 were selected to be 'indentured servants' for transport to New England.
November 11 - Augustine Walker, master of the ship 'Unity', set sail for America with this 'human cargo'. It is estimated that it took approximately six weeks to cross the tempestuous wintery conditions of the Atlantic. Therefore, William could not have reached Boston before the end of December 1650. Of those who survived the crossing, sixty were sold to the Lynn Iron Works in Massachusetts, and the remaining, approximately 90, were sold to purchasers willing to pay the price of between £ 20 - £ 30 which was considered as payment for their transportation. As the cost of of an Atlantic passage at the time was about £ 5, the Unity cleared about £ 1,500 on this transaction. These 90 prisoners were then distributed to numerous towns in Massachusetts, Maine, and, New Hampshire.
1651: As a prisoner with a bond term from eight to ten years, William was among the fifteen prisoners sent to the 'Great Works' sawmill at South Berwick in Maine, under the management of Richard Leader. What a cold raw trip it must have been in the disagreeable New England winter, whether by land or sea. Perhaps not to them, though, for it must have been like their beloved Highlands where bleak winters were not unknown. It is a remarkable trait of stamina that after nearly four months of unmitigated hardship - confinement, disease, and bad food - they made the journey and settled down to lumbering operations at a place that became known as Unity Parish where William worked off the cost of his bondage. For William, a sixteen year old boy, who could survive the Drove of Dunbar, the awful plagues at Durham prison, the horrors of an ocean trip below decks in winter, and the rigors of lumbering along the Atlantic coast - he probably thrived.
As far as is known, this was the first experience that the New England people had in this kind of human traffic, and it is apparent that Reverend Joseph Cotton felt the need of making some explanation for his share in this camouflaged peonage which some of his friends promoted. He referred to this as 'apprentice- ship for a period of seven or eight years', although some served for a considerable longer period. When these indentured workers were set free, they were destitute, ….. with compassion, the town of Kittery granted them parcels of land.


James Warren


An opportunity was presented to the officials of the commonwealth in London. Laborers were greatly needed in the new American colonies and on 19 Sept. 1650, sixteen days after the battle, there was an order in council passed to deliver 900 prisoners for transportation to Virginia and 150 for New England. James was one of 150 survivors selected as "well and sound and free of wound" on behalf of John Becx & Co. of the Saugus Iron Works to be delivered to Augustine Walker of Charlestown master of the "Unity" which sailed 11 Nov. 1650. Sixty of the prisoners were destined for the iron works in Saugus and the remainder were distributed throughout numerous towns in Massachusetts and New Hampshire in a kind of modified slavery or compulsory service which was to terminate in seven years. John Cotton had his qualms about this camouflaged slavery. In a letter to Cromwell dated Boston 28 July 1651 he said: "The Scots whom God delivered into your hands at Dunbarre and whereof sundry were sent hither, we have been desirous (as we could) to make their yoke easy. Such as were sick of the scurvey or other diseases have not wanted Physick and chyrugery. They have not been sold for slaves to perpetual servitude. But for 6 or 7 or 8 yeares as we do our own." While their plight here was pitiful it was not so disastrous as befell those who were left behind in Durham half of whom died within a few months of contagious deseases. In this country they were looked upon as aliens and their Gaelic accent was scarcely understandable.(1)

In 1651 Richard Leader, recently resigned from managing the Saugus Iron Works, began with his brother George the management of the mills on the Great Works River for John Becx & Co. Leader brought with him his bond prisoners which were bought for £20 to £30 each. Five years later Leader sold out his interests and freed his servants many of whom were granted land in Kittery. In Newichawannock between Thompson's Brook (Shorey's) and the Great Works River James was granted land 15 Aug. 1656. He received 50 acres with 48 poles (660') fronting Cow Cove where the "Pied Cow" dropped anchor in 1634, now part of the South Berwick Vaughn Woods Memorial.

James was the Commissioner for Kittery 5 July 1664.(2) He was on the grand jury 28 Dec. 1665(3) and also 12 June 1666.(4) He was again on jury duty 19 Aug. 1668.(5) In 1670 Margaret and other Scots were admonished for using profane language and in 1674 James was bound to good behavior and was disiplined for abetting Richard Gibson.(6)

On 6 Oct. 1662 James bought of John Davis a parcel of land "near the bridge" granted by the town of York in 1652 containing about 40 acres, but it is doubtful that he occupied this purchase. He may have cultivated it and harvested whatever crops he planted. James retained this property for 40 years until it was bequeathed to his son Gilbert.(7)

He signed a Kittery petition as a selectman 13 Apr. 1697.(8) He signed a Berwick petition again as a selectman 4 Sept. 1697(9) and another 20 May 1698 requesting £20 for the maintenance of the ministry: "whereas the circumstance of the parish of Barwick continues as bad as, or rather more grievous than hitherto by reason of the not ceasing of the wars & the extreme deadness in trading." They were granted £15 for the maintenance of the ministry for the year beginning Sept. 1698 on 2 Dec. 1698.(10) James then signed a Berwick petition for a township as a Berwick selectman 26 July 1700.(11)

Immigrant Aide Society

George Gray


The book by David Dobson "The Orginial Scots Colonists of Early America 1607-1707, page 93.

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